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बेटी बचाओ का नारा देने वाली मोदी सरकार का नया नारा बेटी डराओ धमकाओ : जयवीर शेरगिल


नई दिल्ली (उत्तम हिन्दू न्यूज) : कांग्रेस के राष्ट्रीय प्रवक्ता जयवीर शेरगिल ने कहा है कि एक तरफ तो प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी बेटी बचाओ की बात करते हैं वहीं दूसरी तरफ देश में एक शहीद की बेटी को डराया धमकाया जा रहा है। इससे तो लगता है कि सरकार का अब नया नारा बेटी डराओ धमकाओ हो गया है। शेरगिल ने कहा कि शहीद की बेटी गुरमेहर कौर को चिंतित होने की जरूरत नहीं है क्योंकि पूरा देश और कांग्रेस पार्टी उसके साथ है।

मोदी सरकार पर बरसते हुए जयवीर शेरगिल ने कहा कि पीएम मोदी आखिरकार मध्य प्रदेश में जासूसी रैकेट में भाजपा नेता का हाथ होने पर चुप क्यों है। ये भाजपा के लिए बहुत शर्म की बात है कि पश्चिम बंगाल भाजपा महिला मोर्चे की महासचिव जूही चौधरी बाल तस्करी रैकेट में गिरफ्तार हुई हैं।

सबसे बड़ी बात ये कि जूही चौधरी ने पुलिस को बताया कि उसे भाजपा के सांसद ने गिरफ्तारी से बचने के लिए नेपाल जाने की सलाह दी थी। शेरगिल ने सवाल किया कि आखिरकार वे भाजपा सांसद कौन हैं जिन्होंने ये सलाह जूही को दी।

जयवीर शेरगिल ने कहा कि इस पूरे प्रकरण ममें भाजपा के राष्ट्रीय महासचिव कैलाश विजयवर्गीय और भाजपा की राज्यसभा सांसद रूपा गांगुली की भूमिका भी शक के घेरे में है। इन मामलों में भी पीएम मोदी को देश को बताना चाहिए बाल तस्करी गिरोह में इन भाजपा नेताओं की क्या भूमिका है।

Source:  http://uttamhindu.com/newsdetail.php?id=2587

Demonetisation has hit jobs, paralysed growth

The government has tactfully shifted its focus from tackling black money to cashless economy in the absence of the impact demonetisation should have made on black money, counterfeit currency and corruption. It has now realised that the gamble has gone wrong.

The Indian economy is bearing the brunt of the ambitious drive. It has been on the negative slope when it comes to production of goods as well as consumer demand. The contraction in the output growth has started reflecting on the employment scenario. The formal and informal sectors of the economy were already struggling with depressed demand and investment and now the demonetisation impact is forcing them to cut jobs and freeze hiring.

Employment reacts quickly to changes in output, because the job market reacts to an increase in output in the same quarter. Weak output growth means lack of job creation. If we see the economic scenario of India just before demonetisation, it was struggling with slow demand, slow investment and, consequently, slow production. The industrial output had slipped to 1.9 per cent in October compared to an expansion of 9.9 per cent in the same month last year and this has happened due to the decline in production of capital goods and the unimpressive performance of the manufacturing sector.

The manufacturing sector, which constitutes more than 75 per cent of the Index of Industrial Production (IIP), recorded a contraction of 2.4 per cent in October. Similarly, the capital goods output shrank by 25.9 per cent and the mining sector by 3.1 per cent.

Then came the demonetisation blow which led to further contraction of the economy. From manufacturing to service, all sectors of the economy were adversely affected at a time when they were already exposed to the vulnerability of the market. If the Purchase Managers’ Index (PMI) of the service sector for November is any indication, there has been a sharp contraction of demand in the sector.

The index has reduced to 46.7 in November from 54.5 in the preceding month. Similarly, the PMI for the manufacturing sector has reduced to 52.3 in November from 54.4 in October.

Demonetisation has adversely affected manufacturing growth because of the slowdown in production as well as domestic consumption. Manufacturing production growth lagged amid cash shortages.

The adverse impacts demonetisation had on the economy in its entirety were reflected on the employment potential of the economy. Large sectors like information technology, BPOs, automobile, transport, gems and jewellery, handloom and leather industries had witnessed negative job growth during 2015.

Demonetisation would only add to their existing woes. For example, how will the textile sector, which employs nearly seven million people as daily labourers, pay to them in absence of cash supply?

Industries like handloom, leather and automobile face the same situation. The construction industry has also been badly hit with significant wage implications for its casual workforce. How will contractors pay labourers who are primarily daily wagers?

There is every likelihood that the country’s industrial production will shrink further because of the impact of demonetisation. Companies have already delayed production and cut down on targets. Manufacturing is the leading sector in output growth. To revive employment growth, we need to revive the manufacturing sector.

If employment in the manufacturing sector suffers the brunt, where would people find jobs? Every year we add 15 million job seekers to the market, but as per latest assessments, we would be losing four lakh jobs next year – because economic slowdown is a corollary of demonetisation. The e-commerce sector alone is expected to shed two lakh employees. Where will they go? The immediate concern is that if employment growth has been poor during a period of high output growth, it will probably worsen in the years to come, when the GDP growth is expected to weaken.

Sensing the reality, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has revised growth estimates to 7.1 per cent from 7.6 per cent. Some economists predict the growth rate will remain below 7 per cent.

The reluctance of the central bank to reduce the repo rate indicates the economy is likely to face inflationary pressure. Economic slowdown accompanied by inflation paints a dangerous picture of the economy post-demonetisation.

Apart from the formal sectors, demonetisation has severely affected the informal sector, which accounts for 45 per cent of the GDP and 80 per cent of employment.

As some economists have rightly remarked, a permanent dent has been made to the informal sector by virtue of the demonetisation. The consequences have already begun. Small business establishments are facing great inconvenience leading to job loss in the unorganised sector.

A jute mill in West Bengal’s Howrah district has to be shut down because the mill management can no longer pay wages to the workforce.

All the 2,500 workers of the mill have been rendered jobless. Hundreds of labourers have been rendered jobless in the bangle factories of Firozabad, Uttar Pradesh as 90 per cent of the factories have shut owing to a cash crunch. The knitwear units in Ludhiana are winding up their businesses too. Many tea garden workers in West Bengal and Assam are jobless. The diamond and ceramics industry of Gujarat is also bearing the brunt of the note ban with 60 per cent of the ceramics factories shutting shop.

The state’s textile industry has been paralysed after the demonetisation move led to thousands of workers losing their jobs. The adverse impact of demonetisation on the MSMEs, which account for 20 per cent of the GDP, will hit the job market the hardest in the long run. Sectors like FMCG, consumer durables, and retail too have stopped hiring as consumer goods sales are reported to have dropped by a third.

Ten million jobs per year is what BJP promised the youth of India in 2014. The reality is the number of jobs created in 2015 was much less than what it was a few years ago. Job creation is at its lowest in the last seven years. Large traditional sectors are not where jobs are being created. The agriculture sector is expected to see a decline of 25 million jobs by 2023. At this point, the slowdown of the economy will render lakhs of people jobless and millions will be deprived of their livelihood.

The objective of transparency in financial transactions and creating a cashless economy is a good one, but not in sync with the state of our economy. The strengths and weaknesses of our economy ought to have been taken into consideration before taking the decision.

The shock therapy we are witnessing in the form of demonetisation – without structural transformations – is capable of denting the momentum of job creation in the long run.

Source : http://www.dailyo.in/politics/demonetisation-job-growth-unemployment-black-money-corruption-bjp-cash-crisis/story/1/14625.html

Demonetisation is nothing but a wild chase for black money

First, the surgical strike and now the demonetisation – the impression being manufactured is that these are innovations of the incumbent government that were never a part of history; and secondly, that such “panacea” would solve all of India’s problems.

Neither India is the only country in the world to demonetise specific currency notes nor was it done for the first time in our country. In the past, India has resorted to demonetisation twice; first in 1946 and then in 1978, without evidence of any impressive results.

Black money is an evil. It is necessary to prevent illegitimate income generating activities and to stop generation of black money. Starting from the Voluntary Disclosure Scheme, 1951 to economic liberalisation in 1991 and the introduction of several other measures like the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, 2004, successive governments have made a series of sustained efforts to curb the menace. So, the prime minister cannot be credited with the invention of a new economic tool against black money.

It was a step taken with the right intentions, but with inadequate preparations. Credit: Reuters

The decision of the Modi government to demonetise the Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 denomination notes and to introduce new Rs 500 notes and Rs 2,000 notes has to be seen from three perspectives: first, whether the government has followed due procedure; secondly, whether any contingency plan was put in place so there is no inconvenience to the general public till banking activities are normalised because the entire exercise involves enormous administrative work for the RBI and other banks; thirdly and the most importantly, to what extent will it address the problem of black money in India?

It was a big procedural blunder to declare the demonetisation drive and introduce new currency without resorting to legislative routes, with mere executive decision. The last time it was done was the year 1978 through the proclamation of an ordinance, which later became the High Denomination Bank Note (Demonetisation) Act, 1978.

By avoiding the ordinance route, the government has made an attempt to bypass the legislative scrutiny of its executive order. Given the circumstances, the matter will be, at best, discussed Parliament, but not be subjected to vote. This is not the first time the Modi government has bypassed the legislature. Recently, the Cabinet approved the proposal for the merger of the railway budget with Union budget without the concurrence of the Estimates Committee, which was otherwise a must.

But, in this case, Parliament was bypassed intentionally, knowing full well that it does not have the numbers to ratify the ordinance in both the houses.

The unusually long queues at banks and the empty ATMs are enough to summarise that the government announced the decision without any contingency plan with the belief that the system will take care of itself.

People are committing suicide, dying of heart attacks, patients are being traumatised in hospitals, marriages called off and many Indians continue to live without everyday essentials. Many ATMs are yet to be made functional, leading to chaos in banks. The poor citizens who are outside the banking system are the worst sufferers as they have nowhere to go change the few thousands they have to keep their lives going.

Keeping in view that only one-third of India’s population has bank accounts, it would have been appropriate to put in place an interim arrangement before going for such a critical change.

Therefore, it was a step taken with the right intentions, but with inadequate preparations.

Coming to the most important point, that is the extent to which this measure will address the problem of black money in our economy, demonetisation as a policy intervention has its limitations.

Even though there are serious differences among the theories regarding the estimated value of black money in the Indian economy, one thing is certain: the quantity of black money in the country is a volatile concept. Black money is not limited to black currency, it goes beyond cash.

When we talk of demonetisation, it consists only of notes and not wealth in other forms. So, only the black currencies can be demonetised but not black wealth, which has a substantial share in the black economy.

The black money which is in flow or circulation, running the parallel economy, is also outside the domain of demonetisation. The scheme is limited to tapping people who hold their black money in cash on the date of demonetisation. Secondly, withdrawing certain high-value notes and replacing them with ,more of the same denomination and of higher value defeats the purpose.

By changing the colour of the money, you cannot dent the parallel economy. Thirdly, what  about the black money stashed in tax havens? Why is the government silent on the recovery of this huge stock of money?

Fourthly, the policies of the Modi government are not in consonance with its claim regarding black money. Corruption is the propeller of black money and the the government is living with the devil. By amending the Prevention of Corruption Act, it is encouraging corruption and the generation of black money. Black money is a serious challenge that requires concerted and determined efforts towards tackling its source – which is nowhere to be seen. Demonetisation alone is not going to solve the problem.

On the other hand, the effects of demonetisation on the economic system as a whole may be disastrous. It would shake the public confidence in the nation’s currency, with serious repercussions on its international value as well.

This confidence factor becomes more important considering the fact that 86 per cent of the total currency value in circulation was in 500 and 1,000 denominations. Secondly, if all black money in stock will become white, prices would indeed rocket sky high, causing inflationary pressure. Hope the remedy will not be worse than the disease itself.

The real solution for the evil of black money lies in not in lopping off its branches with an exercise like demonetisation, but in attacking at its roots. Reducing the burden of taxation is an effective solution to curb black money in the economy. We have the GST, even though it is no longer the law that was introduced in its earlier avatar. The government should revive the Direct Tax Code proposal, which will go a long way in direct tax reform.

Link : http://www.dailyo.in/politics/demonetisation-rbi-atm-chaos-rs-500-rs-1000-note-ban-black-money-gst/story/1/14037.html

Modi government’s Pakistan policy is marred by confusion

Ordinary Kashmiris, prisoners in their own houses, are sandwiched between the terrorists, separatists and security forces.

The decision to send an all-party delegation to Kashmir to assess the ground situation is a welcome step by the government, even if it came two months after the protests began in the Valley. It is a step in the right direction which will help in arriving at a political solution to the impasse. The 27-member delegation should meaningfully address the unrest that has already taken 73 lives and will build the road to sustainable peace in the Valley.

If we see the timeline of the Kashmir problem since July 8, when militant commander Burhan Wani was killed by the security forces, we will find serious inconsistencies and contradictions in the government’s response in handling of the protests in the state. There is a palpable sense of policy confusion.

After Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke of political outreach and dialogue with the protesters, Union home minister Rajnath Singh invited non-Kashmiri Muslim leaders to consult with them on the path to be taken in Kashmir, thus, trying to project a community-based solution to the problem.

The Union finance minister, on the other hand, spoke in an altogether different voice. There is an obvious ambivalence in the utterances of the Central leadership and between the Central and the state leadership in Srinagar about the resolution of the problem.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi. (Photo: Reuters)

A coherent framework is missing in the process. Confusing signals are making it difficult to bring about sustainable peace in the Valley. Secondly, the words of the government are not yielding any result because they are not backed by genuine action on the ground.

So far as strategy is concerned, the Modi government is banking on the 2002 Vajpayee formula of “Insaniyat, Jamhooriyat and Kashmiriyat”. But the problem is deep-rooted this time around. So, out of the box thinking is required which is nowhere to be seen either in New Delhi or Srinagar at present. There is much that the Modi government and the Mehbooba Mufti government can do in Kashmir. Hoping that normalcy will return to the Valley after the youth get exhausted and that the protests will lose momentum is not a strategy but symptomatic of lack of ideas and political will.

So what is the solution? The path to sustainable peace in Kashmir lies in a separate but integrated plan of action for the people of Jammu and Kashmir, the separatists and for Pakistan and the action plan must be followed by courage for serious action on the ground.

When we are talking about dialogue, we will have to have a dialogue in a democratic way. The contours of dialogue must be defined. We should have dialogue with an open heart but not without exercising our minds; otherwise the consequence will be similar to that achieved by the home minister during his last visit to Srinagar. An open invitation for talks was sent on Twitter when there was no internet in the Valley. He himself was not clear about the parameters of the talks. Violence continued unabated even during the visit of the home minister.

The people of Jammu and Kashmir are looking for a permanent and lasting solution. Ordinary Kashmiris, prisoners in their own houses, are sandwiched between the terrorists, separatists and security forces. They are facing the worst economic crisis ever.

But what needs to be understood is that the depth and intensity of alienation among the youth of Kashmir is real and enduring. The challenge is to engage the youth in the Valley through confidence-building measures. Their psychological integration with the Union of India is the lasting solution to the problem. And for that, we need to first understand what their aspirations are.

The trust deficit between New Delhi and Srinagar should be made so strong that it is not cracked by the centrifugal forces. We have to abandon preconceived notions and prejudice, and have to collectively overcome the “we versus them” syndrome in the Valley.

During the UPA government, a series of round table discussions were held as confidence-building measures among the people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh regions. Revival of such strategies would help to strike a psychological cord with the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

The formula for political solution should be accompanied by measures for economic development of the state for real time effectiveness of such a solution. The government ought to keep in mind that the youth of Kashmir are unlikely to respond to economic packages until a political solution is reached.

Like in any other state, the people of Jammu and Kashmir are sensitive to the incidents and utterances in other parts of the country. So the domestic policy of the Central government should be in sync with its Jammu and Kashmir policy. There is every probability that a conciliatory approach towards the Valley will be negated by a polarisation strategy in other states. Rather, it will deepen the crisis.

Pakistan’s meddling in the internal affairs of India, particularly in Jammu and Kashmir, is an open secret. By appointing parliamentarians as special envoys “for fighting the Kashmir cause in different parts of the world”, Pakistan has reignited the agenda of portraying Kashmir as an international issue and to impress upon the United Nations, through its well-wishers, for its intervention in Jammu and Kashmir. But Pakistan should remember that the UN Resolution of 1948 has specifically stated that Pakistan should withdraw its troops from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). Therefore, by refusing to withdraw its troops from PoK, Pakistan has violated the UN resolution.

Then how to deal with Pakistan? The Pakistan policy of the Modi government is marred by confusion and inconsistencies. The comprehensive dialogue process now appears to be in dead water. Till now, the Modi government is yet to effectively utilise back channel diplomacy for talks.

This mechanism was extensively used during the tenure of Manmohan Singh and proved to be effectual. The UPA government, throughout its tenure, sustained the peace process either by talking to the Kashmiris or to Pakistan. The situation in Kashmir today is a reminder that it is in India’s interest to do so. The present government will have to evolve a consistent policy to deal with Pakistan. An integrated approach to address the political and economic realities of the state only will yield the desired result.

Content Source – http://www.dailyo.in/politics/narendra-modi-kashmir-pakistan-hurriyat-upa-nda-pok-united-nations/story/1/12766.html

What youth of Punjab Want?

Aristotle had said, “youth is easily deceived because it is quick to hope“. The Punjabi youth believed Modi in 2014 but within less than two years they are repenting for the mistake they have done. It seems the Prime Minister forgot about the 3Ds – darkness, destruction and devastation – caused by drugs. They are wondering how the Prime Minister can conveniently close his eyes to the State’s turmoil just for political mileage.

What does the youth of Punjab want? Punjab is my home state and for the emotional connect I share with Punjabi mitti, I have covered the State extensively with the sole of objective of understanding youth problems and their expectations. I found 3Es in the wish list of Punjabi youth – education, employment and eradication of drug menace. They want better infrastructure, policy implementation and corruption free society.

Have we lost the war? I am an optimist and I think like me, the youth of Punjab, even though apprehensive and frustrated, have still faith that situation will improve and Punjab will regain its lost glory. Having said so, let me candidly admit, turn around will be a challenging task. From one of the prosperous states, Punjab is now in a huge debt trap because of mismanagement of state finance.

The debt burden of Punjab government has gone up from Rs.48,344 crore in 2006-07 to Rs.1.25 lakh crore in 2015-16 which is whopping 32% of gross state domestic product. Punjab government is paying only basic salary to the employees of State government during their probation period. The youth of Punjab needs a leadership who they can trust, who is sincere to solve their problems with a proven track record.

Also Read – Drugs are killing Punjab

They do neither believe in fake propaganda nor want to experiment with uncertainty. There is still hope for the youth of Punjab. I cannot see a generation destroyed by madness of drugs. Decent education, both in terms of skills and values, and availability of productive employment is one of the best routes to guide the youth of Punjab.